1. Professor Baldev Raj Nayar, Professor
Emeritus, McGill University, Montreal
“The Paradox of Globalization and India’s Halting
March to Common Market: The Political Economy of
Tax Reform under Federalism”, 11 November 2010.
Abstract
Prof. Nayar discussed the paradox of India’s shift
to globalization and the subsequent policy
adjustment that together seem to have favoured
the fostering of a common market, even as it took
account of the difficulties that are involved in
working within a framework of federalism and a
partisan multiparty system.
The paradox arises from the juxtaposition of
the critique directed against globalization and the
actual political process on the ground. The critics
of globalization have posited market
segmentation, even economic and national
disintegration, as one of the preeminent
consequences of globalization and the associated
phenomenon of economic liberalization. But,
contrary to the prognostications of the critics, it
seems to Nayar that globalization has,
paradoxically, been instrumental in engendering
a process of transforming India’s existing highly
segmented economy into a genuine common
market, though the last mile in the journey toward
such a market has yet to be traversed.
In short, he argued that globalization and
common market are integrally joined together,
with globalization compelling India, as it were,
to endeavour to foster a common market. There
seems to be a certain inexorable logic that leads
globalization to make for the paradoxical result
of developing a domestic common market, rather
than tending toward market segmentation as the
critics believe. The connecting link between
globalization and common market is the quest for
economic efficiency. Of course, needless to add, the
state as an institutional variable that sits astride
as a gatekeeper between globalization and
common market has had a critical role in the final
outcome.
In analyzing the paradox of globalization and
moving forward to a national common market,
Nayar focused on one of the crucial elements in
promoting a common market – the establishing
of an appropriate system of indirect taxation that
fosters, rather than hinders, the free flow of goods
and services in the domestic market. In exploring
this theme, he looked at (1) the relationship
between globalization and tax reform; (2) the
evolution of tax reform after economic
liberalization, including the role of the state in that
evolution; and (3) the motivations in tax reform.
2. Dr. Rupak Chattopadhyay, Vice-President,
Forum of Federations, Ottawa
“Financing and Governance of Capital Cities in Federal
Systems”, 6 December 2010.
Abstract
Dr. Chattopadhyay argues that Capital cities, like
other cities, are places where people live and
work, use local services, and engage in political
activity. Yet capital cities are different than other
cities. Not only do they host the national
government and principal national institutions,
they also play a unique cultural and symbolic role
in the country. The national capital role and the
local role sometimes come in conflict with each
other. This conflict can be exacerbated in federal
countries where, if the capital is treated like any
other city, it would normally fall under the
jurisdiction of a state or province and leave a
limited role for the federal government. Capital
cities in federal countries also differ from capital
cities in unitary countries because federal
countries are more diverse and this means that
federal capitals have the added responsibility of
reflecting this diversity while at the same time
being as neutral as possible with respect to
individual states or provinces. Even within
federal countries, there are significant differences
among capital cities in terms of governing
structures, roles and responsibilities, resources,
and the treatment of capital cities by the federal
government. He presented findings on the
governance of capital cities and draws on their
earlier work comparing eleven federal capitals.
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3. Prof. Jan Wouters, Jean Monnet Chair Ad
Personam EU and Global Governance,
Professor of International Law and
International Organizations and Director of
the Leuven Centre for Global Governance
Studies - Institute for International Law at the
University of Leuven
“Current State and Outlook for Federalism in Belgium
and the European Union”, 12 January 2011.
Abstract
Belgium, at the heart of the European Union, is a
country whose federal system displays a number
of unique features that go some length in the
direction of confederalism. Interestingly,
Belgium’s federalism has shown a “centrifugal”
tendency over the past four decades, coinciding
with another “federal” process affecting the same
people and territory, namely, the European
integration process. Over the past six decades,
the European Community, succeeded in 2009 by
the European Union, have seen a remarkable
transfer of important powers from Member States
to the European level. The Lisbon Treaty, which
entered into force on 1 December 2009, constitutes
the newest phase in this “centripetal” process of
an “ever closer union”. In his lecture, Professor
Wouters contrasted both evolutions and sketched
the outlook for federalism in Europe and Belgium.
4. Dr. Louise Tillin, Lecturer at the India
Institute at King’s College, London.
“Remapping India: What can we learn from the creation
of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Uttarakhand?” 25
January 2011.
Abstract
India is one of the most populous and diverse
countries in the world, yet its people are divided
into the fewest subunits of any federal system. Her
paper addressed the dynamics of post-linguistic
reorganisation, focusing in particular on the
reasons for the creation of Chhattisgarh,
Jharkhand and Uttarakhand, all formed in the year
2000 from the large, predominantly Hindispeaking
states of Madhya Pradesh, Bihar and
Uttar Pradesh. It will set out a framework drawn
from historical institutionalism to explain border
change in India’s federal system, and an argument
for state creation in 2000 that focuses on dynamics
at three levels of the federal system - the sub-state,
state, and national levels. She goes on to ask to
what extent ongoing debates about the possible
future reorganisation of borders in Andhra
Pradesh, Maharashtra or Uttar Pradesh, for
example, bear similarities with the political
process that lay behind the last episode of state
creation in 2000.
5. Prof. Christophe Jaffrelot, former Director of
the Centre for International Studies and
Research, Sciences-Po, Paris and a Member of
the Centre National de la Recherche
Scientifique (CNRS) France
“Minorities in Urban Areas: Case Study of Bhopal and
Ahmadabad”, 15 February, 2011.
Abstract
Using the contours of Geography, Prof. Jaffrelot
made an attempt to understand the configuration
of the two cities. Ahemedabad has never been a
Muslim city. It presents a case of communal
tensions in 1969 Hindu workers clashed with
Muslim workers; in 1985 caste and communal
conflicts; in 1992 Ramjanmabhoomi movement;
and in 2002 state-sponsored pogram to cleanse the
Rashtra.
There are Muslim groups like Boras Memons,
yet business hardly goes beyond local issues.
Juhapura, called as “mini Pakistan”, presents the
case of locality of ghettosisation and
marginalisation of Muslims. It is a deprived
locality which moves by self help group education.
Safety and security are the two issues concerning
the ghetto. From old city to the industrialised belt
to Juhapura, ghettoisation has paradoxical effects
in this city.
Bhopal presents a different pattern, where
instead of marginalisation at the end of city, the
Muslims are marginalised at the centre. The
walled city is on the bank of the lake. The
percentage of Muslim population has increased
with the time. Abolition of jagirdari system lead
to palaces being converted into hotels.
“Emotional” politics leads to local political elites
driven and chosen from community sentiments.
Irrespective of vote bank politics, new buildings
have come up. Muslims have withdrawn from the
walled city.
The ray of hope in the two scenarios lies in
the development of the middle class, and informal
movements towards integration.
6. Prof. Sumanasiri Liyanage, Department of
Economics, University of Peradeniya, Sri
Lanka
“Identities and Autonomy: Forgotten Issues in Post-
Conflict Policy Perspective in Sri Lanka”, 28 February
2011.
Abstract
The armed conflict in Sri Lanka finally came to an
end on May 18, 2009 as the security forces of the
Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) had succeeded
in defeating comprehensively the Liberation
Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The way in which
the armed conflict between the GoSL and LTTE
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came to an end on May 18, 2009 was substantially
different from that of February 22, 2002. In the
latter case, it came to an end through the signing
of a ceasefire agreement (CFA) by two contending
parties facilitated by the Royal Norwegian
Government. Even prior to the CFA of 2002, the
armed conflict ended on many occasions as an
outcome of written or unwritten agreement
between the two contenders of the armed conflict.
However, all these agreements failed to produce
perpetual or long-lasting peace for multiple
reasons and the failures had eventually led to
more atrocious resumption of armed
confrontation between two contending parties.
Forthcoming Events:
Dr. Wilfried Swenden, University of Edinburgh,
UK, and currently visiting faculty, Delhi
University, will deliver a special lecture on 14th
April, 2011 on “Is the United Kingdom Federal:
Devolution and Plurinationalism in Comparative
Perspective”.
Research Notes, Book Reviews and
Publications
Coordinated By: Veena Kukreja
Uneasy Peace in Sri Lanka
By Sumanasiri Liyanage
The peace process may be separated into two
phases. The ending of an armed conflict and/or
direct violence marks the first phase of peacebuilding,
while the second phase includes an
addressing of deep-rooted issues that are linked
with the genesis and the development of the
conflict. Are these two phases inter-linked? Is the
second phase independent from and neutral to
the way in which first phase is concluded?
The conventional conflict discourse posits
that there is a nexus between distinct phases of
peace-building or conflict transformation
although reversibility of the process especially in
the short and medium term has not been ruled
out. The implicit assumption is that peace process
to progress through these distinct phases,
negative phase or peace-writ-small or peacemaking
should be achieved through negotiation
between two or more conflict parties. However,
conflicts always do not end through negotiations.
Negotiated settlement is only one way of ending
armed conflicts. Internal wars in which the state
is a party may be ended in multiple ways.