The committee's prescriptions of an
export-oriented strategy, if
pursued, would in the long run transform
handlooms once the symbol
of swadeshi into objet d'art to be displayed
in museum of national heritage and culture.
The Committees visits were casual and therefore, as we shall
see, were not helpful in capturing the intensity
of the handloom crisis. Further, the report
is neitherbased on any studies commissioned
on specific aspects of handlooms (though
suggestions to the necessity of such studies
are made) nor displays any awareness of the
available studies (including even the well
knownFrontline-commissioned study of
starvation deaths). Thus the government
handouts and discussions with the concerned
officials become the basis of the recom-
mendations!
I I
Since the committee is appointed primarily
T H E government of India appointed a high-
powered committee under the chairperson-
ship Mira Seth, a member of the Planning
Commission in July 1995 to review the
performance of the handloom sector in the
decade since the New Textile Policy came
into effect in 1985 and suggest measures for
its development. The report of the committee,
submitted in December 1996, assumes
significance in the context of the ongoing
structural reforms. It would be instructive to
examine the report also because of the fact
that this is a major committee on handlooms,
after the Shivaraman Committee (1974),
constituted to go into the handloom question
in a comprehensive manner and its
recommendations may find favour with the
policy-makers.
To begin at the beginning, it would be
instructive to examine the composition of
the committee. Out of the 11 members (apart
from the chairperson), there are seven officials
representing various ministries and banking
sector, two members of parliament, and two
members representing the manufacturers; and
ironically only one member representing the
handloom weavers' co-operatives. After the
demise of Pragada Kotaiah, MP and a
knowledgeable advocate of the handloom
cause, on November 26,1995 no substitution
was made for him. Thus the high-powered
committee on handlooms practically had only
one member representing the weavers'
organisations.
The committee thus constituted to inquire
into the state of the handloom industry in
the decade following the 1985 textile policy
has the following as terms of reference: (a)
to assess the extent to which the objectives
set for the handloom sector by the 1985
policy have been achieved; (b) to assess the
impact of various schemes on handlooms;
(c) to assess the threats facing and oppor-
tunities opened up to handloom sector and
to devise the ways and means to capitalise
on the opportunities and particularly recom-
mend comprehensive support necessary to
achieve a quantum jump in exports; (d) to
make a comprehensive assessment of the
bottlenecks in the way of development of the
sector and recommend measures to promote
its rapid development in an economically
viable manner.
The report begins by paying an eloquent
tribute to the handlooms as 'a work of art,
craft as well as an industry' representing
'one of the most aesthetic aspects of existence'
embodying 'the concept of total harmony of
the human being with environment and
ecology', where 'the artistic creativity of the
weaver, the designer and the marketing skills
of the trader' (p III) find expression. Further
it notes, 'handloom sector occupies a place
of eminence in preserving the country's
heritage and culture plays a vital role in the
economy of the country' (p 6).
What is the methodological approach
adopted by the committee for the assessment
of the status of the handlooms, the bottlenecks
in and opportunities opened up for the
development of the handlooms following
the 1985 policy?
Though there is no explicit statement on
this aspect, it could may be inferred from
what is hinted at in the report that the
committee visited the states of Andhra
Pradesh, Assam, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and
Uttar Pradesh 'for assessing the ground
realities' and 'also held discussions with
officials of the state governments; weavers
service centres and credit institutions, repre-
sentatives of primary/apex co-operative
societies and handloom corporations, expor-
ters, designers and all concerned (p 6-7).
But these visits and discussions do not
seem to have made any significant impact
on the final outcome! Going by our know-
ledge of the committee's visit to Andhra
Pradesh, where it arrived unannounced and
left almost unnoticed by the handloom
weavers' organisations, and the very choice
of Pochampally, a fairly prosperous silk
centre near Hyderabad city, it would not
perhaps be unfair to say that most of these
to go into the achievements of the objectives
of 1935 policy by the handlooms, it would
be appropriate to recall the aims of the policy
with regard to the handlooms. The 1985
policy marked a decisive departure from the
earlier policy regime by visualising an entirely
different textile scenario. While the earlier
policy framework viewed the textile industry
in terms of its employment potential and
therefore accorded a prime place to
handloomsvis-a-vis the other two sectors
(i e, powerlooms and mills), the 1985 policy
marked a departure from this by identifying
productivity as the chief goal and accordingly
proposed to view the industry in terms of
processes - the principal processes being
spinning, weaving and product processing
rather than in of ins of sectors. Thus the goal
of productivity was sought to be realised
through the creation of a level playing field
for the sectors in the industry regardless
of their relative strengths to compete
[Srinivasulu 1996].
Within this broad policy perspective, i e,
increasing textile productivity by infusing
competitiveness in the industry, the role of
the handlooms was visualised. The promise
of the 1985 policy to provide support to the
handlooms 'to realise their full potential and
ensure highet earnings to the weavers' by
making efforts to ensure availability of
requisite counts of hank yarn and other raw
materials in adequate quantity and at
reasonable prices; to modernise looms for
improving productivity and quality; to reserve
22 articles for exclusive production on
handlooms under the Handloom (Reservation
of Artictes for Production) Act, 1985 and to
create suitable mechanism for its strict
enforcement [GOl 1985] has to be viewed
within this perspective.
How far could the handloom sector succeed
in meeting this main objective of the policy?
Or, alternatively, to what extent the handloom
sector could find the changed textile policy
regime conducive for its growth? Any attempt
at assessing the contribution of the handlooms
to the achievement of the objectives of 1985
policy has to take the following criteria into
consideration. They are: (a) the handloom
position; (b) hank yarn availability; and (c)
handloom cloth production.
Going by the figures given in the report,
there has been a 63.44 percentage point
increase in the production of handloom cloth
between 1990-91 and 1995-96. But the report,
quite rightly, is quick to point to the fact that
these figures arrived at on the basis of the
'not too) reliable' hank yarn delivery figures
(for the simple reason that what is shown
to be produced in the hank yarn form need
not and does not reach the handlooms)may
project a false picture about the health of
handlooms. It thus recommends the
commissioning of a study to assess the fabric
production in the handloom sector. Further,
it admits inability, in the absence of a fresh
handloom census (the last one being carried
out in 1987-88), to assess the current loom
position. Thus it would not be unfair to say
that the report, in spite of the fact that
committee took more than a year and half
to come out with it, adds precious little to
our understanding of what has happened to
the handloom sector following the 1985
policy and through silence and ambiguity on
certain crucial aspects of the handlooms,
avoids addressing the unpleasant question of
the crisis in the sector.
The handloom sector during the last decade
witnessed a series of severe crises chiefly
on account of the sudden and unpredictable
spurt in the hank yarn prices. The seriousness
of the crisis could be gauged from the
frequency of suicides and starvation deaths
among the weavers. It would be absurd to
presume that this grim reality, which attracted
national attention and debated in the national
parliament thanks to the vigilant press, went
without being noticed by the committee. The
absence of any reference to this dimension,
leave alone its analysis raises doubts about
the veracity of the report.
This pretense of blissful ignorance turns
out to the convenience of the committee
(intentions apart) to avoid raising, the
inevitable, though inconvenient, questions
asked openly and untiringly by the weavers'
organisations about the relationship between
the present situation of the handlooms on the
one hand and the liberalised licensing to and
resultant expansion of the powerlooms, the
export of hank yarn and dyes and import of
fibres on the other. Any genuinely interested
analysis should have addressed to the changes
in the context during the last decade in which
the 1985 textile policy has been a major
catalytic factor. The report is largely silent
on this crucial question.
It is thus pertinent to recollect what
Shivaraman Committee (1974) had noted
regarding the major challenge facing the
handloom sector, for this continues to be of
great relevance to the understanding of the
contextual constraints on its growth.
There has been an argument that powerlooms
need encouragement because they represent
the n e x t stage i n the t e c h n o l o g i c a l
development of the handloom industry. It is
this a r g u m e n t w h i c h has been l a r g e l y
responsible for the stow erosion in the taxation
of the power loom sector. Whatever the reason
for considering this changeover to be feasible,
it is evident that our present appreciation of
the rural economy of this country does not
allow us to k i l l any handlooms on the plea
that some of the handloom weavers might
change over to a higher technology in
powerlooms. A powerloom displaces six
handlooms. In our strategy for rural
employment, we need viable industries in the
decentralised sector which can provide a
living wage. Handloom is eminently suited
for this purpose. Increased consumption
should be actually supported by increasing
the number of handlooms and their efficiency
| G O ] 1974:61-62, emphasis added).
Further,
In our view, the problem is rather one of
meeting the challenge w h i c h the handlooms
face from the p o w e r l o o m sector in the form
of illegal unlicensed powerloom-poaching
upon the yarn supply that should legitimately
go to the handloom sector, poaching in the
varieties reserved for the handloom sector
and poaching in the market of handlooms by
spurious handloom goods. Our view is that
it is essential to offset the advantage that the
powerlooms have over the handlooms w i t h
their technology and almost same level of
excisevis-a-vis the handloom sector This
has to be set right so that the powerlooms
may not be in a position to underbid the
handlooms in their legitimate market [ G O l
1974:62).
T h i s clear-headed perception of the context
i n the S h i v a r a m a n r e p o r t c o n s p i c u o u s l y
absent in the M i r a Seth report, w h i c h seems
to be largely because of the strict adherence
t o the level p l a y i n g l o g i c o f the 1985 t e x t i l e
p o l i c y .
In this context, it w o u l d be relevant to
recollect t w o i m p o r t a n t observations o f the
A b i d Hussain c o m m i t t e e , constituted i n 1988
t o r e v i e w the i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f the 1985
p o l i c y , regarding h a n d l o o m crisis. I d e n t i f y i n g
' h i g h the f l u c t u a t i n g prices' o f y a r n and the
failure o f the g o v e r n m e n t t o enforce hank
y a r n o b l i g a t i o n b y the s p i n n i n g m i l l s , despite
the p o l i c y assurance. as the c r i t i c a l p r o b l e m s
o f the h a n d l o o m i n d u s t r y , i t s t r o n g l y r e c o m -
m e n d e d c o r r e c t i v e steps. F u r t h e r expressing
serious concern at the impasse in the i m p l e -
m e n t a t i o n of the reservation act, d u e to legal
hurdles, i t r e c o m m e n d e d the i n c l u s i o n o f the
reservations i n the I X Schedule o f the C o n -
s t i t u t i o n to a v o i d any further damage to the
h a n d l o o m i n d u s t r y [ G O l 1990]. Needless t o
say. none of these r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s w e r e
g i v e n effect t o .
In contrast to the diagnosis and r e c o m -
mendations o f f e r e d i n the reports o f the
S h i v a r a m a n a n d H u s s a i n c o m m i t t e e s , the
M i r a Seth report stands i n p o o r l i g h t b o t h
i n t e r m s o f i t s u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f a n d
suggestions f o r the d e v e l o p m e n t o f the
h a n d l o o m i n d u s t r y . N e i t h e r it spells out the
threat posed by the p r o l i f e r a t i n g p o w e r l o o m s
nor s u r v i v a l crisis faced by the h a n d l o o m s
o n account o f the y a r n p r o b l e m and n o n -
i m p l e m e n t a t i o n o f the reservations. Instead,
the report has a surprise in its store f o r the
w e a v e r c o m m u n i t y w h e n i t matter-of-factly
m e n t i o n s that the articles in the reserved
category have been reduced by half. T h i s
u n d o u b t e d l y came as a shock to a l l those
concerned w i t h the future o f the h a n d l o o m s .
I l l
T h e second t e r m o f reference relates t o
the assessment o f the i m p a c t o f v a r i o u s
schemes, b o t h p l a n and non-plan on hand-
l o o m sector. Some o f these schemes were
part o f the distress management strategy o f
the g o v e r n m e n t f o l l o w i n g the h a n d l o o m
crisis [ G O l n d ] .
T h e r e is h a r d l y any attempt at a c r i t i c a l
assessment o f the r e l e v a n c e a n d i m p l e -
m e n t a t i o n o f the schemes, i n the absence o f
w h i c h the report reads l i k e a b r i e f w h o ' s w h o
o f the schemes. W h i l e the casual manner i n
w h i c h the report treats the i m p a c t of the
schemes is s i m p l y c o n f o u n d i n g , what is
further c o n f o u n d i n g is the generous manner
i n w h i c h the r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s are made
l e t t i n g the reader not k n o w on w h a t basis
the j u d g m e n t i s made. T w o o f the largest and
m u c h - p u b l i c i s e d s c h e m e s i n v o l v i n g
hundreds of crores f o r m u l a t e d as a response
to the h a n d l o o m crisis c o u l d be c i t e d to
illustrate the casual manner i n w h i c h the
report treats t h e m .
T h e H a n d l o o m D e v e l o p m e n t C e n t r e
scheme was announced in September 1993
at a w h o p p i n g cost of Rs 850 crore. Under
this scheme 3,000 H a n d l o o m D e v e l o p m e n t
Centres ( H D C s ) and 5 0 0 Q u a l i t y D y e i n g
Cenfres ( Q D C s ) w e r e to be set up o v e r a
p e r i o d of four years to p r o v i d e a c o m p r e -
hensive support l i k e y a r n , dyes, t r a i n i n g i n
d y e i n g , and d e s i g n i n g as w e l l as m a r k e t i n g
to 30 l a k h weavers in the co-operative sector.
A n a m o u n t o f R s 2 7 l a k h and R s 7.80 l a k h
was a l l o c a t e d t o each o f the H D C and Q D C
r e s p e c t i v e l y .
i n spite o f the i n v o l v e m e n t o f such a huge
p u b l i c m o n e y , the report has o n l y this m u c h
to say:
The committee, w h i l e visiting the various
H D C s / Q D C s in the handloom concentration
pockets, observed that the Scheme has not
yet f u l l y taken off. Several suggestions for
m a k i n g the scheme more effective, for
example, ensuring the credit availability,
reduction in the n o r m for number of looms
were made (p 30].
Further, in a self-contented manner it notes,
The committee has been informed that based
on an independent study of the scheme,
appropriate action is being taken to modify
the scheme to make it more effective [p 30].
Going by the figures given in the annexure
(II)between 1993-94 and 1995-96only 1,198
HDCs were set up with a sanctioned amount
of Rs 67.28 crore, which is much lower than
the target aimed at,
According to a study [Rao 1996] conducted
by the Hyderabad-based Independent
Research Group for Handlooms (IRGP), in
Koyalagudem, a major handloom centre in
Nalgonda, till the middle of 1996, only Rs 8
lakh, out of the Rs 10 lakh grant component
of the Rs 27 lakh was availed by the HDC
(remaining Rs 17 lakh are meant to be loan
component). What is unfortunate about it is
that out of the 200 weavers imparted training
only one weaver could try to put it to use
by installing a jacquard loom at a cost of
Rs 10,000 while others found it difficult to
raise necessary money. The study also noted
lack of enthusiasm among the local co-
operative members towards this scheme.
Another scheme devised in 1993 was the
'Loom to the Loomless Weaver' scheme
with an outlay of Rs 523.2 crore (with a
subsidy component of Rs 131 crore, and the
remaining amount being loan component).
The basis for this scheme was the handloom
census of 1987-88, according to which there
were 3.27 lakh loomless weavers in the
country. Curiously enough the census also
showed a phenomenal rise in the number of
idle looms estimated to be at 2.79 lakh. It
is necessary to note that the phenomena of
loomlessness and loom idleness are two
aspects of the process of displacement -
migration-occupational shift being experi-
enced by the weaver community. When a
weaver finding no work leaves his native
place and migrates to a handloom centre to
work as wage labourer with a master-weaver,
he becomes loomless while his loom back
at home in village becomes idle. As the text
of the order also noted, 'The handloom census
was done about six years ago. The ground
realities might have materially changed since
then. It is likely that many loomless weavers
might have taken to other vocations." Yet
it entrusted the task of completing a survey
of loomless weavers ' i n about a month's
time' for 'cent per cent coverage under the
Integrated Rural Development Programme'
[CHS pp 27-28]. Despite the fact that the
policy-makers were not oblivious of the
changing 'ground realities' and despite the
criticism of and doubts about the relevance
of this scheme by the weavers' organisations,
it was continued. This persistence can only
be read as symptomatic of the reckless attitude
of the policy-makers towards the handlooms
when the most important issue deserving
urgent attention was the yarn supply.
The Seth report is conspicuously silent on
the fate of this scheme despite the large sum
of public money involved and also the
understandable lack of enthusiasm among
the weavers towards this scheme.
In the case of the Weaver Service Centres
(WSCs), meant to be 'nerve centres for the
design development and the training of the
weavers in the area for improving their output
and enabling them to earn more' | G 0 I
1974:23], the report has made no attempt to
assess the functioning of these centres and
their contribution to the improvement of the
skills, products and earnings of the weavers.
It only recommends that they
. ..should strive to develop new designs, new
fabrics and new products having market
acceptance and commercial v i a b i l i t y .
Inspiration to develop them must also be
derived from our heritage. Efforts should be
made to develop such designs and products
which may not be easily replicated on
powerlooms [p 39].
But the question that still remains: How
far have the WSCs been successful in
accomplishing these tasks? If one goes by
the experience of Andhra Pradesh, the WSCs
here instead of supporting the weavers by
developing new designs seem to have
concentrated on training the weavers in
different parts of the state in the well known
designs and techniques. The tie and dye
technique, a speciality of Pochampally (in
Nalgondadislrict), in which weavers of some
handloom centres in Prakasham, Gunturand
even Rayalaseema were trained as part of
the WSCs activities apparently guided by the
market demand logic, is a case in point. The
weavers of Pochampally narrate how this
has led to the production of substandard
fabric thereby impairing their reputation.
The Seth report's emphasis on the training
of weavers through WSCs in Computer Aided
Designing (CAD) and Computer Colour
Matching (CCM) in a big way as a part of
the strategy to meet the challenges of
globalisation and its matter-of-fact insistence
on production of designs that have "market
acceptance and commercial viability" in fact
reveals a deep-seated bias towards the
handlooms. Implicit in this is the perception
that the handloom products have certain
obsolescence and therefore lag behind the
mill and powerloom products in the textile
market; that (hey sell only when rebate is
given, that the handlooms cannot survive
without subsidies, et cetera. This perception,
so widely shared by not only the officialdom
of the textile establishment responsible for
handloom development and the handloom
committees but unfortunately even by the
handloom weavers' organisations, had done
enough harm to the handlooms by misplacing
the emphasis.
What is of serious concern is that this
perception is premised on the 'givenness' of
market demand and myth of consumer
preference and the success or failure of
handlooms is viewed in terms of the latter' s
adaptability to the market demand and its
autonomous buyer. Thus the role of
handlooms is restricted to passively'
responding to the demand when the strategy
should be one of actively intervening and
influencing the market. In the context of
g l o b a l i s a t i o n where high investment
campaign wars between the multinational
corporations have become the order of the
day and the consumer is targeted by well
worked out market strategies and persuaded
to realise his needs', to talk of an autonomous
consumer becomes fallacious.
I V
The issue which the report clearly fails to
address is the crisis in the handloom sector.
As suggested earlier, the handloom sector
experienced severe crises unprecedented in
the post-independence period, each in
succession leading to further marginalisation
and displacement as well as indebtedness
and starvation which is largely due to the
liberalisation process initiated by the 1985
Textile Policy, further pushed up by the
structural adjustment programme taken up
in the m i d - 1 9 9 1 . Thus the process of
marginalisation of the once fairly well-to-
do handloom weaver community, which was
slower earlier, has been hastened since the
mid-1980s. At the root of the crisis is the
sudden and unpredictable rise in the hank
yarn prices caused by the increase in yarn
exports to earn foreign exchange. The failure
or rather reluctance of the committee to note
this significant macro-economic policy shift
obviously led to its failure to diagnose the
nature and causes for the survival crisis of
the handloom weavers.
The major thrust of the report is on orienting
the handloom sector to the globalisation
process as a principal strategy for its survival.
Thus considering globalisation as inevitable,
it proceeds to suggest policy support like
modernisation of looms, establishment of
Common Facility Centres w i t h ' w o r l d
standard' pre-loom and post-loom facilities,
C A D and C C M , achievement of BIS-14000/
ISO-9000 standards to tune this sector to the
changing global market.
What is in the process lost sight of is the
strength of the handloom sector, which lies
in the acceptance of and demand for its
products in the local market. The specificity
and speciality of handloom products is largely
determined by the local needs governed by
the local traditions and customs. The
community skills, techniques involved in
different stages of production are historically
evolved and are the property of the com-
munity, owned and imparted communally.
For this reason, the handloom production is
characterised by its region-specific diversity.
Thus it cannot be reduced to or understood
only in terms of abstract demand and supply
principle of market.
The "ability to commercially produce the
goods in small volumes, quick switchover
to new designs and creation of exquisite
designs which cannot be made on the
powerlooms'' are seen as the strength of the
handlooms. For this reason the report
recommends export-led strategy for the
handloom survival. But there is in fact an
inherent danger of homogenisation in this
path of development oriented to the elite
domestic and export market, when the
strength of handlooms lies in their region-
specific skills and designs, local initiative
and product diversity. Needless to say, the
chief characteristic of globalisation is centra-
lisation of decision-making and concentration
of the conditions of production. When made
to gear predominantly to the global market,
due to the latter's extremely fickle nature and
advertisement induced behaviour, the
handloom production may not only go into
the control of exporters (leading to the further
decline of the co-operative and even master-
weavers' initiative) but also prove to be
suicidal to the weaver community.1At the
most a small section of the master-weaver/
trader segment may survive, perhaps may
even prosper. Thus the report sounds more
truthful when it mentions, 'with technological
developments, the handloom products are
being increasingly replicated on powerlooms
at a much lower cost. Hence the sector may
face shrinking market share. With G A T T
agreement, quotas would be completely
phased out by December 31,2004. Therefore
handlooms shall soon face unrestricted
competition from powerlooms in the
international market' (p 8).
In spite of this awareness, the committee's
persistent prescription of an export-oriented
strategy, if pursued, would in all likelihood
only transform handlooms, once the symbol
of 'swadeshi'. into objects d'art to be
preserved in museums of national heritage
and culture.
The experience of the weavers of Koyalagudem
in Nalgonda district and of Chirala in Prakasham
district illustrates the inherent risks in this
strategy. Koyalagudem, which has developed
into a major handloom centre producing export
varieties for the European market with a large
proportion of migrant weavers, has seen
dwindling demand for its products due to the
ban on chemical dyes As a result, a large
number of the migrant labourers finding no
work left the place; in the middle of 1996, only
a quarter of them mostly in their 40s and above,
finding no alternative, remained hoping for the
revival of production.
In the case of Chirala, which has grown
into a major handloom centre specialising in
the Real Madras Hand Kerchief ( R M H K )
since 1960s for export to north Africa, the
frequent fluctuations in the exchange rate are
reported to have affected the prices of R M H K .
W i t h the master-weavers/traders seeking to
shin the losses onto the weavers and the latter
organised under the leadership of Cheneta
Karmika Samakya refusing to accept reduced
wages shifted to the stable dress material
production.
References
Government of India (GOI) (1974): Report of the
High Powered Study Team on the Problems
of Handloom Industry, Ministry of Commerce,
July.- (1985)
Statement on Textile Policy: June 1985,
Ministry of Supply and Textiles, Department
of Textiles.- (1990):The Textile Industry in the 1990s:
Restructuring with a Human Face, Report of
the Committee to Review the Progress of
Implementation of Textile Policy of June I 1985.
New Delhi, January.
- (nd): Compendium on Handloom Schemes,
Development Commissioner for Handlooms,
Ministry of Textiles, New Delhi.
Rao, K J Rama (1996): 'Migrant Weavers of
Koyalagudem' (mimeo).
Srinivasulu, K (1996): 1985 Textile Policy and
Handloom Industry: Policy, Promises and
Performances', EPW, December 7.